It is generally assumed that Norwegian does not have verb movement in non-V2 contexts such as e.g. embedded clauses (modulo embedded V2). This is illustrated in (1), where all the verbs have to follow all the adverbs, regardless of the order in which they are merged (the numbers in parentheses indicate the order of merge):

(1) ... ettersom hun alltid(2) måtte(1) kjøpe(3) de  dyreste       skoene.

        as       she always    must     buy      the expensive.est shoes.the

Indeed there are dialects in which this is the only possible word order in embedded clauses, e.g. Eastern Norwegian (EastN, spoken in the Oslo area). However, in this talk I show that certain other dialects of Norwegian do allow verbs preceding adverbs to various degrees. In Tromsø Northern Norwegian (TrNN) and Regional Northern Norwegian (ReNN) verbs may precede adverb that they are merged above, as in (2). In addition, ReNN allows verb movement past an outscoping adverb, as in (3):

(2) ... ettersom hun måtte(1) alltid(2) kjøpe(3) de  dyreste       skoene.

        as       she must     always    buy      the expensive.est shoes.the

(3) ... ettersom hun kjøpte(2) alltid(1) de  dyreste       skoene.

        as       she bought    always    the expensive.est shoes.the

The data is discussed within a remnant movement analysis. I suggest that word orders such as those in (1) and (2) involve verb cluster formation. I adopt a somewhat modified version of Nilsen's (2003) analysis of examples such as (1), in which remnant movement operations driven by cluster formation yield the order where all verbs follow all adverbs. Furthermore, I suggest that cluster formation may be optional in TrNN and ReNN. Thus the relevant remnant movement operations are also optional, and when they are absent, the result is the order of merge, as in (2).

However, example (3) is somewhat more complicated. This word order cannot be derived by including or excluding the remnant movement operations applying in (1) and (2). This example involves movement of the verb past an adverb. I discuss two possible remnant movement approaches to such cases.

The first alternative is inspired by Nilsen (2003) and Müller (2004), who propose that verb second in main clauses involves movement of a remnant projection containing only an XP and the finite verb to the clause-initial position. In a similar fashion one might suggest that the verb movement exhibited in (3) involves movement of a remnant projection containing only the subject and the verb to e.g. SpecTP.

A second alternative is to assume that the subject and the verb have moved in a parallel way, rather than together. Then one might assume that the remnant projection moving to SpecTP in (3) only contains the verb (cf. Mahajan 2003), and that the subject has moved on its own to some higher Spec-position. I present some further data from ReNN indicating that the latter analysis is more plausible for verb movement in Norwegian embedded (non-V2) contexts.